Local Power as the Basis of the Understanding of the Federative Pact

The research aimed to describe the existing problems in the relationship between City, State and Federal Government, through the Brazilian Federative Pact, mainly for municipalities with population of less than 50,000 inhabitants. The research is structured from a qualitative perspective. The theoretical framework was built from the local power of the discussion based on the understanding of the federal pact and local interest and the municipality in Brazil. The paper argues that the federal pact is little debated, discussed, much less questioned by society in general, it only strengthens the lack of a legal and institutional framework for coordination and cooperation among federal entities in the country, which results in public policy fragmented the territory and without direction, causing waste of public resources.

their economic, historical, geographical particularities and cultural. This leads us to reflect on their fragility, particularly in a country like Brazil universal complexity which requires caution when it comes to this federal crop. In this sense, the research we set out to accomplish aimed to investigate the existing problems in the relationship between city, State and Union (federal entity) through the Federative Pact, mainly for municipalities with population of less than 50,000 inhabitants. Such problems of the Brazilian Federative Pact are consolidated in the distribution of taxes collected in Brazil. According to the Ministry of Finance of Brazil -National Treasury Accounting Data Collection System -SISTN 2011 of all taxes collected in Brazil, 66% goes to EU coffers, while 26.62% is allocated to the states and 7.32 % to 5,565 municipalities distributed throughout Brazil. This means that the Union is the one of the federal entities that have financial autonomy, that taking into account their ability to tax. The funds for the participation of states and municipalities were important tools in an attempt to more fairness of tax revenues, but today clearly show insufficient for the federal units can meet the great demands on them populations, intensified by the progressive decentralization of many management public services. It is unanimous recognition of the concentration of these resources with the Union even after computed constitutional transfers to states and municipalities. Finally, we present our final considerations, which do not constitute as finalists conceptions, but as provisional contributions, which will be the basis for the discussion of the existing problems, resulting from the reversal of responsibilities, powers and resources between federal, and their results will give rise to new research.

II. THE AS LOCAL PACT UNDERSTANDING OF BASE FEDERATIONS
The individual is an indivisible. In living in society it is the smallest cell, then comes the family, community, neighborhood, church, school children, associations, political parties and, finally, the state. In a strong society, the state is the last to be fired, because both the market and the state, by itself, have not been able to implement a process of sustainable and socially just development; inversely, when the state is strong, citizens and civil society are weak. For Santos [1] "respect for the individual is the consecration of citizenship, in which a list of general and abstract principles is imposed as a concrete individual rights body" Civil society was created by our needs and in the words of Bobbio [2] "is where emerge and develop economic, social, ideological, religious conflicts, that state institutions have a duty to resolve or through mediation or through repression." Civil society is made up of several components, civic, social institutions and organizations that form the foundations of a society running. The presence of an active civil society, participatory, strong is essential to ensure democracy, peace, security and local sustainability. It represents every kind of social organization that seeks and fight for their rights and demand solutions of social conflicts, always defending the interests of the majority of the community. It is made up of individuals and individuals, these in turn are permeated by different interests of a material nature, immaterial, moral, political, among others. In this composition scenario it is necessary to add private organizations such as businesses and public institutions represented by the state. There is no relationship between the constituent elements prerequisite. The state and civil society coincide and merge into such a degree that is hard to tell when one ends and the other begins. In this perspective, it is important to understand the mutually reinforcing relationship between the two. Max Weber addresses this social relationship: "By 'social relationship' should be understood behavior of many -that reciprocally as its significant content and gearing up for this reciprocity. [3] The state was born with the purpose of organizing life in society. He of course exercises sovereign power over the individual and society itself, which grant them that power. It is a reciprocal relationship as one powers the other. The concept of the modern state for Marx Weber best suited their considerations: [...] the modern state is an institutional domination of association, within a territory intended successfully monopolize the legitimate physical coercion as a means of domination and gathered for this purpose, in the hands of its leaders, the organization of material resources, after evicting all autonomous state officials employees who had before in their own right, these means and to put himself in their place, represented by its supreme leaders [3]. The state arose from the need for order sought by social life. In the course of history the social differences were entreated by a policy line that systemising established disorder. Following what was inferred the state has a set of rules, administered and enforced by it laws. The it is allowed to control the lives of everyone. This control has limits of legal and territorial nature of certain people. Individual concepts of the, civil society and state are important, however, an understanding is necessary, a priori, on the concept of power. Weber [3] power "means all probability to impose their will in a social relationship, even against resistance, whatever the foundation of that probability." In the words of Raffestin [4] is very enlightening: The power seeks to control and domination over men and things through. You can reexamine the tripartite division in use in political geography: population, territory and resources. Considering what has been said about the nature of power, it is easy to understand why we put the people first. Simply because it is the source of all power. In it reside virtual processing capacity it is the dynamic element where does the action. [...]. The territory is no less essential since it is the scene of power and the place of all relationships, but without the people, it comes down to only a potentiality, a given static organize and integrate strategically. Resources, finally, determine the possible horizons of action. Resources determine the scope of action.
[4] Also for Raffestin [4] "the territory is a particular asset, resource and obstacle, continent and content, all at the same time." When considering the concept of the state is tied to this concept of "power." The state authority is represented by the power it has on society, this power is considered a collective power. To Raffestin [4] "every relationship is the point of emergence of power, and it bases its multidimensionality. The intentionality reveals the importance of the purposes and the resistance expresses the asymmetrical character that often characterizes relations "and every social relationship is producing spatiality / spatial. Produces (dis) continuities, by nature (dis) territorializadora power. And the power is noticeable fact alone, as Raffestin suggests, on the occasion of a relational process. In this sense, the power can only be understood as a social relation, since everything that exists in society also is; what matters is to know what kind of specific social relationship it is. Therefore, to rule a location, a territory of skill is necessary to understand the power relations brought that territory. You need to know the origin and nature of the kinds of powers that circulate among citizens. This allows to know the interests involved in the relationship of power, and the consequences of this type of relationship and the impacts they cause in society. Similarly, know the main power mechanisms involved in the site, in the territory, enables the involvement and participation of society in planning the city. The participation of the local community, and reduce social differences, provides the local government to develop skills required to solve major problems. In the words of Raffestin "the territory is the political space par excellence, the field of action" [4]. When there is no civil society participation in local government this happens to be enjoyed and practiced by a very small representative group that territory. Right here come several questions: first -who are the subjects most involved with the power? Second -that interests circulating in power relations? And finally -In what segment of society power is presented as more latent? To answer these questions it is necessary to make the following considerations: there are types of power and types of subjects, who practice power. Bobbio [2] points out that there are three forms of basic power: economic power (the ownership of certain assets), the ideological power (the possession of certain forms of knowledge and doctrines) and political power (power whose specific medium is the power). In our analysis the political power is our benchmark, but leaving for a simpler classification, in the foreground what you get are called formal power and informal power. The formal power is tied to the idea of institutionalization, represented by institutions of local, state and federal nature. The informal power comes from the demonstrations spearheaded by civil society organizations. They are easily visible from group events, movements, associations, trade unions, among others. In the words of Bobbio [2] "negatively, by" civil society "means the sphere of social relations not regulated by the state." The informal power targets to address to the formal power, represented by municipal, state and federal sectors, in order to assert the interests of their class representative. The fact that the informal power need to address the formal power to get to legitimize the interests of this or that social category, does not mean that formal and informal relationship is one -sided. The demonstrations not only occur towards the formal to the informal. The interaction also exists starting from the formal to informal, establishing this way a feedback between the two types of power. The dialectical relationship of the two powers, the interference of a relative to each other, is what gives the body the development and form of land use. The power is a social relation of domination, which implies the existence of dominant and dominated, ie, a group of human beings over others. In short, domination and exploitation are born together and can only continue to exist together, which means that the reason for the rule is exploitation, there is an indissoluble link between the two. Although it is agreed that the power relationship includes an exploration of relationship, when we include in the discussion of state power does not consider that this necessarily will explore society. It is naive to say that the power exercised by the state over society includes an operating ratio since the state action is a result of compliance with society. What determines the state imposes, plans, executes, among other actions, makes the granting of the people who set up so that it did. However, as with everything, the structure of the relationship: State x x Power Company, there are elements that are beyond the established rules and by establishing the aforementioned relationship of exploitation. This is the case of unlawful acts, the fees, the amounts of deviations, etc. But this kind of operation does not shake the foundation that led to the creation of the state, its structure, its laws, its rules; all fully set out in a document called the Brazilian Constitution, the Constitution of a country, the State Constitution of a State and the Organic Law of the municipality, among other common and complementary laws. It is necessary to include this point the fact that between the state and the power exercised by it there is a "policy" that sets the so -called "political power", intrinsically related to state power. Contrary to the idea of exploratory domination, political power entitles the State to intervene, legislate, sanction and decide on the life of society under its jurisdiction. Political power is accepted as a public act, legal and necessary to society. Geographer Silva [5] says: In addition to production conceived as legal body, the state is a form of social organization and does not dissociate from society and the underlying social relations. The approach undertaken is the state this social dimension, as a law of society, living there one of the justifications for their study in geography and the other sciences that deal not only social relationships, but your organization, including space [5]. Of all the types of political power exercised by a government that has the Federal Republic as a form of state, local government, the city appears as the federal entity most disadvantaged in resource fencing and obligations with the public services provided benefits the society. The federal republic divides the amount of taxes collected among his three federal agencies, namely: the Federal Government, the Federal District, the states and municipalities. The latter carries the so -called local governmentand all is the least has the resources and structure to work with quality to meet the needs of their society. At this point it is necessary to make a reflection: a "national society" as well as "state company" live in the cities, are therefore municipal corporations and not "national" and "state". Thus enjoy the public services offered in their communities. Thus, the only federal entity before the federal pact that exists in fact as a territory is the municipality. The city, in its totality of social representations, consists of business groups, religious, student, military representations, cultural, economic and many others that could be listed, which form the local authority of a municipality. The long tradition of the period in which Empire, oligarchic and centralizing Brazil were or are governed by an elitist petty bourgeoisie, has made traditional forms of governing still exist. Of these forms the elite characteristic in the division of financial resources is one of them. According to the Ministry of Finance of Brazil -National Treasury System of collection of accounting data -SISTN 2011, of all taxes collected in Brazil: 66% go to the coffers of the Union while 26.62% are allocated to the States and 7.32% go to the 5,565 municipalities distributed throughout Brazil. This means that the Union is the only one of the entities of the federation that has financial autonomy, this is clear taking into account its ability to tax. After the constitutional and legal transfers of the Federal Government, passed on to the States, the Federal District and the Municipalities, the revenue apportionment slightly alleviates the regional and local inequalities of each R $ 100.00 (one hundred reais) collected in Brazil, the Union is still with 55.50%, the States with 25.80% and the Municipalities with 18.70% of the total apportionment of the country. It is natural to ask, what are the consequences of this financial centralization in the Federal Government? A chaos in the Brazilian social welfare state and consequently establish in the municipalities of that country a public service provided to the population of poor quality. And th e most penalized federal entity is the municipality and the biggest and most of the criticism comes and falls on the local managers, who is the political agent closest to the citizen, the taxpayer. The latter does not care to know from which sphere of public power responsibilities lie; to the citizen, who pays and is a taxpayer, is only interested in receiving quality and only public services. As federal and state offices are institutionalized by presidential seat of government, its ministries, their departments and agencies with ministry status, the federal Senate, the chamber of deputies; likewise appears still institutionally representing the state level: the seat of state government, the legislative assemblies and state departments. Both institutionalization, federal and state, have representative spaces that follow a quantitative hierarchy in which the first offers of greater discretion or indicators than the second. Continuing this decreasing order, are the municipalities as those with less power of decision in the institutionalized political spaces. This causes them not to have greater access in the democratization of decision making, execution and participation in the State's actions as a whole. Dowbor [6] confirms this thought: "For years, the same interests that created our imbalances organized centralization of decisions, reinforced the concentration of wealth, created the state large aimed at providing the private sector goods at a price lower than the cost, and now preach privatization, as if participation or not the State was the crux of the problem, not the deformation that the elites have introduced it. The gist of the problem is the democratization of decisions so that they can meet the population's needs, and this implies a profound decentralization " [6]. Who actually enjoys the different nuances of power? Who uses so-called ruling elites, who are called lobbyists that lay on the other? Who is this network of relationships involved with the power? Who really governs, who actually has the power to decide? Who has control through the power? There is a tradition of command and outrage towards the power of arrest, once-enjoyed by the federal power. It was common and still is, to assign to the Federal Government (national) the legitimacy of higher power enjoy them as well as to accumulate much more than other counties. However, today one can already witness a trend in order to realize these functions, hitherto only legacy to national power. Today this privilege is seen as also being the competence of the municipal (local) governments. Even better saying, to be more efficiently carried out by the local authority, the Municipality. Try to feel that it is the local level that gives the priority field of political action. Local government arouses patriotism, citizenship and consequently the ability and the ability to meet more effectively the interest of the population, with obligations by traditional national governments. But the technocrats or bureaucrats to support the argument that the local government d oes not have the "technical capability" to manage their interests. Historically among federal agencies especially the municipality, ie also as clipping located and locatable is very tied to the Colonels, patrimonialism and personalism in the exercise of political power. But in a democracy the Local Government must be viewed from another angle, from decentralization notions of citizen participation in political power. Consider that the local authority is rooted in an outdated historical period and that these customs need replacement by current practices of power, impose the need to establish differentiated analyzes of the local government, now guided by the participation of the local community and the correlation of this with the political society. This table is presented as a new model of governance, the democratic rule of law. It local power is experienced in order to empower local excluded groups, provides the exercise of political power and the exercise of citizenship in order to break the boundaries that separate the citizen of the state. In this new model the city regains power over the territory in which they live and rebuilds the local area, from community, cooperative and democratic basis. Silva [5] contributes to this new vision: Combine practices of participatory democracy to the traditional representation, where citizens, acting jointly with the government, will become responsible for their fate and the fate of the whole society [5]. Note that this view completely reverses the dynamics with which analyzes the category Local Government, now guided by the civil society and social movements and their relationship to political society. In this sense, a Law Democratic State Local Government presents itself as a new paradigm of exercise of political power, based on the emancipation of a new citizenship, breaking the bureaucratic boundaries between the citizen of the state and recovering control of the citizen in his municipality by rebuilding a community and democratic public sphere. Therefore, the Local Government is effective in action to produce appropriate conditions for the optimal development of the Brazilian public administration, capable of agreeing on participatory democracy and dismiss the failure of representative democracy at this stage. For Magalhães [7] on the conceptual issues first actors reflect a little more about what is democracy: Democracy is not a place where you arrive. It's not something you can achieve and after settling for it is the way and not arrival. It is process rather than outcome. Thus democracy exists in permanent tension with forces that wish to keep interests, the most diverse, maintain or reach the power to conquer interests of specific groups, and often these forces get out of balance, especially with the accommodation of dialogic popular participation, essence democracy we advocate, and the lack of interest to participate in the process of representative democracy, the perception of lack of representation and by the disenchantment with the results presented [7]. The big challenge is how to democratize democracy, Magalhães [7] insists that: is democracy that is built of free dialogue, free thinking within a society where the construction of spaces of communication possible, which depends on the construction of citizenship as an idea of dignity, freedom from misery and human respect. There is no freedom without effective means to exercise it, and these means are the rights to release the human misery and ignorance. [7] Already making a conceptual distinction of participatory democracy of representative democracy. Representative democracy is considered an indirect democracy in which the people are not self-governing, but elected representatives, ie elected to govern. Representative democracy is the representation of an elected group, usually by vote, to represent the people, the population of a country, with an obligation to represent, act, s peak and decide on behalf of voters. Sartori [8] warning that the representative democracy the power exercised without legitimate participation of the people is a weapon against him: The exercise of power is done by delegation (representation) and, if this delegation is not controlled and monitored by it delegates the power is exercised "on the people" and "not the people." It is, as mentioned, autocracy rather than democracy. The representation, unsupervised and without control by the citizens, is the Achilles heel of democracy. [8] Sartori [8] "explains that the crisis is linked to the mass society that consists of the" mass man "isolated, vulnerable and available, with behavior ranging from intense activism and apathy." The "mass man" is part of an easily exposed to mobilization and manipulation society. Haberrmas [9] states that the ideology of mass culture is summed up in the phrase "makes you what you are", which means "duplication and legitimization of the status quo "By removing the" circulation all transcendence and all criticism. "In this sense, the DR could be seen as an institutional arrangement that would be part of a theory of mass society, whose aim would be to reach political and administrative decisions, excluding the participation [10]. Low participation would be a balance of the signal between democracy and capitalism (mass society) in Western societies explain that representative systems based on the contradiction between the formal democratic participation and civic passivity. [11] The democratic citizen must be active and passive; involved in politics, but not much; must be influential and obedient. [12] Participatory democracy, participatory democracy the word at first sight, seems to be redundant, because there is no democracy without participation, without people, without civil society. Participatory democracy is a rule establishing the way you live where it is intended that there are effective mechanisms of control exercised by civil society on public administration, not limited only to the right to vote, universal suffrage, but also extending democracy to social sphere. The participation of society with the collective, diffuse causes is considered a model or ideal for the exercise of political power, based on public debate between free citizens and equal conditions of participation. Silva [13] lists the advantages of participatory democracy, deliberative democracy: It involves discussions that bring benefits to the community; has educational character because it provides, each participant gains more knowledge through discussions; requires revisibility of opinions; encourages tolerance of divergent views; It improves individual justification capacity of preferences; filters arguments are not generalizable to the extent that only accepted the views that can be shared by all participants; increases confidence in the democratic process because the opinion of each is taken into account; It increases the confidence and the skills to be able to become a political actor; increases the legitimacy of political decisions that are justified to affected; contributes to making the most common positions; For us Brazilians who live a missing social state, unable to secure the existing constitutional rights, the way the words of Magalhães [7] for a participatory democracy: inclusion and active participation of our people as citizens is the coordinated fragmentation of power, the radical decentralization of powers to strengthen the states and especially the municipalities, as well as become permeable power, with the creation of popular permanent participation channels such as municipal councils, participatory budgeting and other mechanisms of participation, as well as the permanent incentive the organization of civil society and the strengthening of alternative media such as radio, newspapers and community televisions. We can, and so we are doing, build a social and participatory democracy from the local government. [7] To understand this process we need to heed the words of geographer Silva [5]: "the location, the city first, is scale and arena construction of trans -scalar strategies and able political actors to opt in coordination with coalitions and alliances at multiple scales." The most usual and simple meaning, scale is the numerical representation of measure (reducing or enlarging) the real. This mathematical simplicity hides the enormous complexity of the term when it comes to crop the spatial reality. This cut supposes, consciously or unconsciously, a concept that tells a perception of total space and "fragment" chosen. Bringing the question of the scope of the scale for the discussion of the local government, it should be considered that any trimming to be done to analyze its political phenomenon, this will have an intrinsic characteristic global territorial levels, national, regional and local mix. There is no way to consider the phenomenon of "local power" without considering the regional relations, national and global inherent to it. Anyway, to be able to analyze political phenomena involved around the discussion of the local government, we need to make this visible phenomenon and analysis of liabilities. This is possible through the limits imposed by the cut that is made of political reality, or even the scales considered around the same. Within the territorial local government level are involved subjects who establish among themselves different types of relationship. reporting relationships, relationships of power, of authority, of outrage, obedience, submission, or to impose, in addition to numerous others not cited here. These subjects in turn, belong to social classes, and these classes are merged into the local society, or local government. Yes, the local government is not formed only by the group that represents the state. Local government covers the subject of the public and private sector, covers who is in charge and commanded. The existence of domination and exploitation of one class over another is not without struggle and resistance of the classes and exploited and dominated groups, so the formation of a strong civil society is necessary, able to prevent the perpetuation of the exploited and not leave this task only in state hands, the result of a representative democracy. The order of domination is only possible through the effective participation of organized civil society and local. Building citizenship is to build new relationships and consciousness, and this task is something you learn with living in the local, social and public community. It is in the living, day-to-day through these relationships established with others, citizenship in all its fullness. Santos [14,15], it states that "citizenship undoubtedly be learned. This is how it becomes a state of mind, rooted in culture. It is perhaps in this sense, that they say that freedom is not a gift but an achievement, an achievement to maintain." The participation and mobilization of organized civil society, such as neighborhood associations, commercial, industrial, rural, trade unions, churches, etc., have the power to transform and build good public policies for society in general. Otherwise, the lack of participation in decisions about life in society triggers a series of conditions that do not meet the main social needs of individuals. Dowbor [16] contributes to this understanding, stating that: When decisions are taken far from the citizen, they correspond very little to your needs. Thus, the dramatic centralization of political and economic power that characterizes our form of organization as a society, leads ultimately to a deep split between our needs and the content of decisions on economic and social development [16]. Citizen participation in the preparation of so-called public policies, generally held in public hearings, represents the interests of society as a whole. Are results of so-called public hearings, not only the causes of fragmented society divided into social classes, unions, associations, in particular social groups such as the Indians, blacks, homosexuals, the handicapped, as well as , policies for society in general. The interests are consistent with the needs and causes the groups to which they belong. Contributing to this debate a good performance of a democratic government is in its ability to take on the social demands generated by the social environment to which is attached and meeting effectively to these demands with the limited resources available and Putnam [17] contributes to say: "A good democratic government not only considers the demands of its citizens (ie is sensitive) but also acts effectively in relation to such claims (ie, it is effective)." The good performance of a democratic institution would depend on what called social capital, expressed in horizontal systems for civic participation of a community. Thus, "the more civic region, the more effective his government" [17]. Costa [18] points out that comes to matters of local interest: those where there is a predominance of the interests of the inhabitants of a particular area in the municipality, as a public entity, has better conditions to solve and implement than other federal entities. It's immense range of activities assigned to public officials of the municipality, with them set skills administrative but also political, where caveat their autonomy, subject to the criteria of convenience and opportunity, which not even the judiciary may violate [18]. The lessons of Meirelles [ Anyway, local interests can only take shape and concreteness as the local population if you listen, as their participation is real in discussions about planning and decision making on the local society. In contrast, the municipality makes its own administration because of their autonomy in matters of local interest, local management comprises the management of local public services, ie those in which the municipal interest is higher than the federal or state. It should be noted, however, that the municipality is located within the country, so that there is no opposition between the two interests. For Putnam [17] "of civic engagement are an essential form of social capital: the more developed these systems are in a community, the greater the likelihood that its citizens are able to cooperate for mutual benefit." The civic State is a stronger determinant that economic development of a country. So civic participation is important for the strengthening of institutions and is the main factor explaining the good performance of a government. Now what are ways for the consecration of this civility? Strengthening popular participation through the creation of mechanisms that provide permeability to state power. Creating ways of increasing participation, such as the democratization of public budgets, the participation of organized society in the municipal councils, first with the right to participate independently, then with deliberation of powers and regulation, democratizing access to information on the procedures of public money. This desired participation, resulting in decision more democracy and effective social control will occur effectively and efficiently, precisely in local government. Only then, we can expect a more decentralized country and the strengthening of integrated local power in a federation

III. INTEREST AND LOCAL MUNICIPALITY IN BRAZIL
The participation of society in the public interest, namely the common good, the so-called third sector, is still the best way to build citizenship. The local social mobilization is crucial for local development, for the community, despite existing internal differences, there is a common denominator, a consensus on what should be done. Local communities should seek the most appropriate practical ways to meet their needs. Use of resources, for example, can get which resources are available and how they can be used. With for example, public policies in the preparation of local education should suit the medium and basic education to environmental dynamics, economic and social in Geography of disciplines, Sociology and History from targeted content for the development of the city, seeking in this way, identify the natural, historical, tourism, human potential, among other locality. In this regard, Dowbor [16] defends the smallest administrative unit: Defend the interests of the municipality is to promote balanced development, with a diverse economic base, a more just social situation. This is to promote a long-term vision, understanding that the city, the neighborhood, or a valley in a rural area, will be the place of life of children, their grandchildren, to whom we must make something better. Congressman Ulysses Guimarães (Address televised House, 1989), emphasized throughout its legislative and political activity that the citizens do not live in federal entity called Union, much less in so-called states, the population resides in the city. With this statement, the parliamentarian, who chaired the National Congress during the drafting of the present Constitution, intended to emphasize the importance that have the municipalities, to people's lives, recognizing that these are federal entities, which become visible public administrations those who know the problems of their communities, faced with truly seeking their solutions, and therefore can produce results with public policies available in the direct service of society. For local development can be effective, society needs leaders and organized communities to defend their cause is greater than the "common good", that is, the interest of all citizens. In this sense, the corporative interests, social groups, associations and trade unions should be prioritized in the second instance. It takes participation in support of local society, questioning and mobilizing in the fight against unequal distribution of tax revenues between the entities of the federation. Study geographer and economist François Bremaeker, the Brazilian Institute of Municipal Administration (IBAM), and also very close to the central bank data on page 20, shows the flaws in the federal pact in Brazil, because when performed transfers and mandatory funds transfers, the Union is with 54.2%; States, with 28% and 17.8% with the Municipalities. This reality is dichotomous, compared to developed countries, where municipalities control about half of

International Journal of Advanced Engineering Research and Science (IJAERS)
[ Vol-5, Issue-12, Dec-2018]  https://dx.doi.org/10.22161/ijaers.5.12.12  ISSN: 2349-6495(P) | 2456-1908(O) public resources. Dowbor [16] reinforces this situation by stating that: While the countries developed increasingly citizen solve the issues in the city itself, in poor countries the municipality responsible adopt the pilgrimage system, traveling to the capital for each authorization of funding, with all the distortions in resource use that means. [...] Municipalities are stuck in legal frameworks that make its management a nightmare. On the pretext that there are less technical locally, it is thought that the resources will not be well spent if your transfer is not surrounded by a jungle of laws and regulations. The truth is that the more centralized the decision, there are more technical but less is control by the population. [...] The local administration is seen thus crushed between the explosive needs that arise in the municipality, Besides Dowbor, you can also list a number of actions for the municipality, ie to the local interest, such as: Paulo Vannuchi, Marcio Pochman, Silvio Cacciabava, Peter Paul Martone White and Juarez de Paula, in a document entitled "National Support Local Development Policy -Note to the 2008 edition." In short, the main topics discussed in this document are presented below synthesized: Motivating the national network of universities to produce completion of course work (TCC), research and other academic work focused on studies of the municipality or the region in which is located the municipality, the have a view to a database on these locations easily accessible to all of society; In the same vein structuring of other key organs such as the Brazilian Institute of Geography and Statistics (IBGE) and Municipal Information System of the Federal Savings Bank (SIM), as well as taking advantage of its subsystems already developed to formalize the creation of a database basilar that contains integrated information about the city, to be mandatorily installed in each municipality; All the themes presented above can contribute directly and indirectly to the development at the local level. Social campaigns at the national level as "Child Hope," "Christmas Solidarity", among others, is important, but the contributions made by citizens do not have the proportionate return soon, these campaigns should be in their own locality, providing assistance to needs children from each municipality, according to the social problems of children and citizens being contemplated in the same town, so the children of the States and the Union does not exist, that is, without running the risk of being "parochial" or having narrow view . The degree of social and economic development of a city, or your municipality is the accurate portrayal of their community and its social heritage, in its actions to mobilization and collective participation, along with the government. Dowbor [16] elaborates on this theme: Local government as organized system of civil society consensus on a limited space, therefore implies changes in the organization of information system, strengthening administrative capacity, and ample work training both in the community and in their own administrative apparatus. It is, therefore, an effort of the municipality about yourself. [...] First of all, it must be said that there is no model for the organization of community participation. This will vary according to the municipality is predominantly urban or rural, industrial or agricultural, relatively isolated or located near a large center. Also will be different according to local political balances and the level of awareness already achieved by the population. [...] For years, the same interests that created our imbalances organized centralization of decisions, reinforced the concentration of wealth, created the state large aimed at providing the private sector goods at a price lower than the cost, and now preach privatization, as the participation or not the State was the essence of the problem, not the distortions that elites it introduced. The essential problem is the democratization of decisions so that they can meet the population's needs, and this implies a profound decentralization. From this generalized problem, which features holistic features, you can find a reverse path: the location , specific, particular, peculiar. Local government is the instrument that contains the customized media and representative of problem situations of each municipality in each location. The city is considered by historians as the most primitive form of political organization of man, having arisen as a result of the need to solve the problems arising from community life, mediating and establishing rules for conflict resolution and acting on issues of common interest. After all as context in scale as the smallest federal entity? According to Meirelles [19] states that: [...] the Brazilian municipality is a legal entity of public law (CC, art. 41, III), and as such, endowed with full legal capacity to exercise rights and contract obligations in its own name, accounting for all acts of its agents (CF, art. 37, § 6). Meirelles also [19] The "Brazilian municipality is political and administrative entity of the third degree, in descending order of our Federation: Union -United -Municipalities". Art The municipality, before being a political and legal institution is the social, and even natural, because it results from the grouping of several families in one place, united by common interests. As family and property, it is a social phenomenon that preceded it, the sociological point of view, the advent of the State [20]. However, not all doctrine is based on the recognition of the municipality as a federal entity. Silva [21] Castro and [22] support, in turn, that there is no federation of municipalities because the municipalities do not have representation in the Senate can not propose amendments to the Constitution, have no legal power or have territory. There are different names attributed to the city by other countries in the same way, have the uneven nature of Brazil, their political moves differ from political moves practiced in Brazilian soil. It is possible that the institution "city," as it is conceived in the country, is unique worldwide. Elsewhere in the world, municipalities, even to a lesser extent, enjoy a political autonomy never practiced by the Brazilian, administer local people, usually belonging to the city and other urban centers. The Brazilian municipal system is quite different compared to other countries like the United States of America (USA), Mexico, Argentina, Italy, Germany, United Bretania. Considering only the United States as an example, it is necessary to point out that the cradle o f federalism country (United States of Amharic) did not include the "municipality" in its Federal Constitution, dated 1786, which, roughly speaking, has a limited text it's short; however, he stressed the importance and autonomy that member states have to deal with issues relevant to their internal organizations. The above facts arise according to the customs and practices of the American people greatly influence the political traditions of that country. This directly affected the dealings with the issue of the municipality or municipal approach, for which there is not even a distinct discrimination about what is, or what is "municipality" as notes Meirelles [19]: [...] in certain regions dominates the county (equivalent to the Brazilian municipality) -as occurs, for example, in New York State. In others, the prevailing city (urban areas, lower in extension to the county , but not necessarily subject to this), while certain regions, such as New England, still adopt the township (entity whose definition varies considerably, if confusing sometimes with the county ). In Brazil, through the Federal Constitution of 1988, it increased the city to the rank of third level of government. This allowed the municipalities, at least in the constitutional text, the expansion of its autonomy: political, administrative and financial, as can be seen when considering the number of articles 29 to 31, articles 156, 158 and 159 of the Federal Constitution. However, the legislation did not guarantee to the Brazilian nation that its municipalities would enjoy the full autonomy right advocated by the Federal Constitution. The municipalities in Brazil are totally dependent on scarce state and federal resources that are passed on too slowly, insufficiently and even unequally. The 1988 Constitution established institutional decentralization conditions that have changed the organization of territorial authorities in Brazil through the reorganization of the federal structure. The modification allowed the supreme authority of the federal levels subordinate to the central state. It created a new economic articulation which can be called geographic democracy in view of the reorganization of institutional political spaces, territorialized representation of different interests, such as the interests of the municipalities. The different interests present in the Brazilian continent as a whole clash with ideas and thoughts that no unilateral portray the Brazilian reality, ie a tangle of diverse political positions, thoughts and ways of acting, the mo st varied possible. However, this multi-society lives in cities, and it is precisely in the city that embodies their plans, their desires and their idealizations. When the inhabitants of the municipality put into action their interests, make the place a political space par excellence. In this environment of achievement of change and resistance to the new, the traditional coexist, the old and the modification, the new. The Federal Constitution of 1988 [23] to incorporate the city as one of its federal entities increased their rights and duties, changed their empowerment and instrumentalized so that he could act more in the organization of the Brazilian territory. Despite the municipalities possess   In addition to the demographic issues, there are other factors that determine some differences between the Brazilian cities, for example, geographic location, it is on the inside, on the coast, in a metropolitan area; the degree of ruralization or urbanization; economic dominance if it is linked to industry, agriculture, agriculture, and trade and services. What can we reflect, it is that concrete 89.08% of the municipalities of Brazil and 86.54% of the municipalities of the State of Rondônia are small, naturally the difficulties of running a small municipality are higher than those faced by mayors of cities of medium and large. After all, there is a greater population pressure on politicians -councilors and mayor, due to the access and contact with them are more facies, to collect directly meet the needs. Given this situation, the small towns, need special attention or contextualized the federal government and regulatory agencies. Small and micro-municipalities have a reduced technicaladministrative and financial capacity of course does not have a sufficient framework for the provision of public services with quality and depend on transfers from other federal entities to its sustainability.
Santos [24] states: "It is in this light that the question should be seen in the federation and the nation's governance: the extent that the nation's government sympathizes with the designs of external forces, rising crucial problems for states and municipalities." Regarding regulatory agencies, municipalities are monitored by the State Audit Court and the Federal, the District Attorney, Federal, the General Union CGU Comptroller and the Attorney General of the Union, this of course, in relation to federal funding that receive. Municipal managers are treated by such bodies as the police treat bandits, that is, they are seen as guilty until proven otherwise. The small municipalities have available technicians, prepared in the areas of accounting, administrative and legal, for fundraising and accountability, but they are all treated as if it were the city of Belo Horizonte-MG, Manaus AM or are Paulo-SP. Castro [25] on the issue in question and the particular case of Geography, although the IBGE has given increasing attention to this cut in the basic information survey of municipalities, which has mapped and updated profile of Brazilian cities, few issues facing the territory they have been raised and few analyzes. In Brazil experienced a syndrome of equality, this symmetry of course ignores the multiplicity of realities in the municipalities, their historical, economic, cultural and geographical peculiarities, this requires a little more caution when it comes to this federal crop. After all, the city is much more than a part of the country, it is a loaded crop value and content, the fruit of their territoriality that can not be ignored. In this sense, the local authority, the municipality, may be one more resource to increase knowledge and understanding of other federal agencies and organs of control and supervision of this country.

IV. CONSIDERATIONS
In the course of this research, it is clear the importance of articulate local and married to a participatory and civic community vision for success of the Brazilian nation. As well as the Brazilian federal pact should be reviewed, debated and revised continuously to improve the state in social and economic whole nation. Also because each individual naturally tends to care more about their interests than with the collective interests and those farther away, so there is the sum of the knowledge of individuals to an entire whole. Thus, to balance the risk of criticism, due to the concentration of power, with the natural particularity of men, and with the separation of knowledge in society, the Union State is still the best form of government today. The system of cooperation and subsidiarity which is the essence of federalism should be put into practice in all its wholes, not only in political and administrative autonomy, but also in the financial. Therefore, the federal government should assume only the national political nature. Local government knows best of their main problems and demands and the results are more visible when the target is restricted. When the individual is triggered to participate in public affairs in the community, we know that this is much more important than the act of voting from over 141 million voters to elect mayors, governors and the president of the republic. The greater the participation of the individual, of course better for the citizens and consumers of public services. What we need is to invert the pyramid of importance among local, state and federal governments. We have a municipal government entirely dependent on the goodwill of other federal agencies. Take, away and separate from the center, namely the decentralization of the federal state as an alternative to democracy is a trend of the contemporary world in an attempt to further community involvement. Thus, the municipality is the prime Community element in the decentralization process, it is output to the modernization of public administrations and as the initial and favorable solution in citizen engagement. It remains to implement participatory policy as an element of inclusion of citizenship as consolidation of democracy fiscal, political and administrative. Nowadays there is no more just the delegate or representative democracy. There is need for a dynamic, efficient and flexible administration, the simple representation is no longer the best way. The solution is new articulation, not only of representative democracy, but also participatory democracy, directly, for the practice of full citizenship implies participate in decisions in the public sphere. Before all the data reported and presented in this study can understand that the Brazilian federal pact is distorted, backward and unbalanced, because the municipality is the federal entity with more public responsibilities to the citizens of this country and paradoxically gets the smallest share in the distribution of funds raised in the country. These distortions are the result of the manipulations that the Union and the states make the distribution of taxes to municipalities and consequently with the Brazilian people. Unfortunately the federal pact is little debated, discussed, much less questioned by society in general, it only strengthens the lack of a legal and institutional framework for coordination and cooperation among federal entities in the country, the result is public policy fragmented in territory and without direction, hence causes the waste of public resources. After eight Constitutions in Brazil, the 1988 Constitution brought a novelty, the elevation of the municipality member of the Brazilian Federation. Was assured to him also, administrative, political and financial. But progress soon conspired against the city with the ideology of "relative incapacity" as if it were a minor, a teenager, with this view, autonomy should be safeguarded. Therefore, he withdrew revenues was limited to the form of emancipation and labeled to corrupt all mayors and ignorant and unable local legislators, councilors. The other federal entities in the three powers began to torment the lives of local politicians without taking the trouble to look at the mirror itself. As he said Tocquiville [26], the municipal politics is the main school civics and democracy. Punish the municipalities is to encourage centralism, authoritarianism of the periods of the Colony, the Empire, the Old Republic, the New State and the military regime in 1964. Since guarantee municipal autonomy is the consolidation of the rule of law in Brazil. In any case, discuss this territorial issue, even living the spatial dynamism of Brazil, was not and is not necessarily easy and allowing simplifications task because there are many variables to be considered, which can lead to analysis and discordant results yourself that is not produced much effort for this to occur. Finally, the challenge is not only on problem analysis, but continued thinking the Federative Pact in Brazil. Not least because the Brazilians live on an avenue or street and live with neighbors and friends in a municipality. This is the real and tangible world, the unreal, fiction is in the Union and the States. Until then, the Brazilians, the powers that be will attend the ills of the current Brazilian federative pact. Since the defense of Municipalities is the guarantee of political, economic and social, to Brazil.