The Religious Parties of Popular Catholicism of the Immigrants of the city of Santa Teresa As Festas Religiosas do Catolicismo Popular dos Imigrantes do Município de Santa Teresa

— This research was carried out with the objective of analyzing the effect of religious festivals of the popular catholicism of Santa Teresa in the religious development of the municipality, located in the highland region of Espírito Santo, strongly marked by European immigration in the 19th century. The field research was complemented on grounds tion of the literature review on the relationship between sacred and profane, the religious culture of St. Teresa. The search It presents a conceptual discussion of religion, culture and the presence of the sacred and profane, highlights ing the religious element of immigrants as a constitutive factor of that society. Three cycles of religious feasts of the Catholic communities of Santa Teresa were analyzed, namely: the Feast of Kings, the June Saints, St. Anthony and St. John, and the Feast of Our Lady Aparecida. The presence of the sacred and the profane represented in the religious festivals, from the beginning of the colonization of Santa Teresa until the present day, constituted as a factor of cultural and religious identity of the community. It was possible to observe this relationship in the religious festivals of the city, the sacralization of temporality as a way of entering the eternal, the Kairós, that is, the time of grace, in which the miracles, the healings that manifest the action of the divine happen. through the saints. Although unconsciously, without the presuppositions of the sociology of religion, these simple people were affirming with their religious manifestations that they overlapped the spiritual and the temporal, walking with the saint's andor on their shoulders on the day of festivity, through the Catholic faith and Its practice manifests itself in religious festivals throughout the liturgical and devotional cycle, constituting Italianity in Brazil, based on family, land, the value of work and Catholic religiosity.


INTRODUCTION
The religion is one of the factors that make up the anthropological dimension of the human being. In contact with the Catholic community of Santa Teresa, one can see a very strong, ingrained religiosity since the beginning of its colonization, especially in four of its most popular festivals: Feast of the Three Kings (01/06) Saint Antônio (06/13), Saint John the Baptist (06/24) and Our Lady Aparecida (10/12). It will be on these four parties that the present research will stop as an object of analysis of the relations between the sacred and the profane, as proposed by the studies of Mircea Eliade (ELIADE, 2001).
Within a settlement context, in a strongly agrarian society in which religious festivals are linked to the earth, making a link between the sacred and the profane, in time and space. Faced with the complexity of the arrival of the first immigrants and the immediate search for a process of fixation in the geographical spaces, social, political and economic movements are developing, but also, mainly, the development of religious practice, as a factor of unity, and the feasts in tribute to the patron saints to overcome the unknown. To this end, we sought to base this research on a literature review by authors of Anthropology, for analysis of man as a cultural and religious being.
The process of occupation of Brazil, characterized with the arrival of European immigrants. In Espírito Santo, it was established in the Timbuy nucleus, Santa Teresa Municipality/ES, where there was a lack of planning and consequently the distribution of land plots along the watercourse, with all the difficulty in reaching the promised land.
Religiosity and socialization between communities, in considering the historical trajectory of the phenomenon and religious practices, shows the need for affirmation before each other, their identity in the transmission, references of the religious phenomenon in a symbolism and religious practice, predominant to their rural world of origin of these immigrants who symbolically all the rites are linked to the land of their ancestors left to their descendants, to understand what would be the understanding of religion, faith and belief among immigrants, where these actors came together to seek and meet God. , at the moment of dialogue with the phenomenon of religious practices forming a link between the profane and the sacred of each following and diversities in this religious field in space and time.
The search to analyze the role of religion in the process of expansion and freedom, including the dynamics necessary to assure variety and opportunity to the actors, as well as the environment, so that each one can fully exercise their religious belief and faith and understand the development of religion as a science.
The union between immigrants and religious festivals produces important spaces for discussion that make it possible to highlight the phenomena that occur in religious development in the construction of communities among themselves and to preserve favorable conditions through the union and religious festivals in order among themselves. interferes with their descendants and family structure so that the actors formed a contemporary society. Based on various theories that one reads, listens to, speaks, religion presents and cultivates in various ways in the formation of society.
The great contribution is made in the transcripts of religiosity and knowledge in their religious festivals and may be a preponderant factor in the formation of society in the religious universe, aiming at a higher quality of life in belief, faith in a social relevance the possibility of revealing the religious phenomenon. influence on the social relations of the subjects' life contributing to the understanding on the religiosity issue, being able to observe the elements that compose the religion phenomenon and the influence from the religious context, of those who believe and believe in a Superior Being, God.
Through an approach where it can be affirmed that the spiritual spiritual dimension proves to be a universal phenomenon, present in the different times and cultures of human civilizations, to study the religious phenomenon, is to understand, understand this social phenomenon in the religious festivals of great importance to identify the manifestations relations between social groups.
Religion, faith and belief among immigrants is a factor to be studied, where the actors gathered to seek the encounter with God, and the moment of dialogue, political and economic and social forming the link of the profane to the Sacred, hoping for comfort between a religious festival left to their descendants as well as social and religious values.
This research was carried out with the objective of analyzing the effect of religious festivals of the popular

II. RESEARCH METHODOLOGY
The research was divided into three stages. In the first, the theoretical assumptions such as the concept of culture, religion and the relationship between sacred and profane were addressed. In the second, some data will be presented from the municipality of Santa Teresa, as well as aspects of the Espírito Santo religiosity. Finally, the third will seek to analyze the religiosity that gave unity to the municipality from the popular religious festivals of the patron saints, contributing to the reflection on the importance of the role of religion in the formation of cultural identity, as noted by Pereira in affirming that it served to "reinforce and preserve the ethnic identity of the immigrant group, with religion being the diacritical feature of this identity" (PEREIRA, 2005), that is, it is the differential feature of this community that was formed in the municipality of Santa Teresa at the same time it seeks to preserve the memory of this city, whose popular religiosity in which sacred and profane mingle is so remarkable and constitutive.
Detecting the first Catholic churches of the municipality that emerged from their religious trajectories, we describe the paradigms in religious festivals.
It was necessary to understand the phenomena and the development of religious festivals in the daily lives of immigrants, and the movements of religious institutions, and the discovery of religious phenomena and movements, and the influence of knowledge on religious festivals. The research of religious festivals is of a descriptive and qualitative nature, it is necessary to thoroughly conduct the bibliographical analysis, documentary history and religious texts, on the theme proposed in this research, and the understanding and interpretation of data collected through questionnaires and interviews. open in the understanding of religious festivals, built through the immigrants and their descendants involved, in the municipality of Santa Teresa ES, Brazil.
From the analysis of the data obtained from the questionnaires, interpretative interviews were described and translated in a natural way. The research took a representative sample approach of data collection, gathering interpretive techniques which we tried to describe, translate in order to check the meaningful data of the questionnaires guaranteeing the results with precision to this research that will give the discussion of the results. We adopted in this field research the contact procedures with the study phenomenon, with the preestablished methodological procedures.
The interviews were direct with groups of immigrant descendants, with reports from the informants to know the behavior of the religious festivals surrounding the problem to be studied, by analyzing the collected data. It was descriptive and exploratory, with field research based on qualitative and quantitative questionnaires to the actors included in this research.
It concludes with an analysis of the historical process and the structuring of immigrants and, as it happened to the religious phenomenon and the religious festivals in the municipality of Santa Teresa, main focus, according to the characteristic of exploratory research.

III.
THE HOLY FESTIVALS OF SANTA TERESA Since the foundation of Santa Teresa, popular religiosity has been a hallmark in the history of that community. This traditional lay religiosity of which Besen speaks (BESEN, 2012b), will manifest itself over time in the Capixaba municipality of Santa Teresa through religious festivals, in which sacred and profane mingle as a manifestation of faith and the culture manifested by the immigrants throughout these years in Brazil. Regarding this religious culture derived from a popular Catholicism, Souza expresses: Popular Catholicism lacks its own status in the practice of the Church, yet exists in close interaction with it. It does not dispute it, but may eventually acquire a distinctly anticlerical bias. They do not oppose the attributes of the clergy, but create their own attributes, and are organized and practiced by lay people who seek, to a greater or lesser extent, to maintain their autonomy as believers while claiming to be children of the Church. The ecclesiastical rites did not remain immune, on the other hand, to the influences of popular Catholicism. On the contrary, the Church has traditionally adapted to them and incorporated them, to a greater or lesser extent, into their rites, just as popular Catholicism adapted diverse elements from ecclesiastical ritual (SOUSA, 2013). As noted in Souza's statement, popular Catholicism that emerges as a manifestation of faith of a particular social group creates a religiosity with its own tributes that merge elements of official, clerical Catholicism, with the elements of popular culture to a greater or lesser extent, performing a symbiosis, as can be observed in the four parties chosen as the object of research of this work, because what seems apparently local, has a universal dimension, inserted in the religious consciousness of social groups, as pointed out by Souza: Popular Catholicism is a cultural as well as a religious expression, and changes its form and position from the transformations that have taken place in the broader cultural context of which it is a part. It is dynamic and historically constituted, not necessarily averse to modernity, as some of its most conservative scholars want to believe. On the other hand, some of its most archaic manifestations radically suffer the impact of modernity, and even disappear under this impact, which does not prevent bridges and adaptation mechanisms from being created. Popular Catholicism was structured, after all, from its vocation for syncretism and the absorption of exogenous elements, which are molded to their beliefs and rituals. With this, what appears to be locala ritual performed in a specific regionis in fact universal in all its range of contacts and influences: in its ability to assimilate what came from afar and what came from other times (SOUSA, 2013). This cultural syncretism present in popular religiosity is especially noticeable in the feasts of the patron saints, in which the practice of orthodox faith of official clerical Catholicism mingles with the syncretic manifestations of popular piety, as can be observed, for example, in the Folias. of Kings and Congadas, on the occasion of the liturgical festival of the Magi, on January 6 of each year.

IV. THE PARTY OF KINGS AND THE FOLIAS
The Feast of the Magi has its origins in the Christmas liturgy of the Church that celebrates the Epiphany of Jesus Christ when it manifested itself to the wise men of the East, who are traditionally referred to as holy kings, according to the narrative of the biblical text, celebrated on January 6th. in the liturgical time of Christmas, as Jurkevics explains: The Folia de Reis, Reisado or Feast of the Holy Kings is a popular auto that seeks to remember the journey of the Magi, Gaspar, Melchior and Baltasar, from the moment they receive the notice of the Savior's birth, when they take gold, incense and myrrh until they find it in the lapel. So being part of the Christmas cycle, the procession of revelers parades singing, both in the countryside and in the cities. This festival, as well as many others, was brought by the Portuguese at the beginning of colonization, whose roots lie in the Invincible Sun Festival, initially celebrated by the Egyptians and later incorporated by the Romans. This celebration, in its first version, took place on January 6 and the Roman on December 25, according to the Gregorian calendar (JURKEVICS, 2005). The liturgist Augé (AUGÉ, 2007), states that the origin of the feast of the Epiphany, that is, the manifestation of the deity of Jesus Christ to the Magi from the East, which popular religiosity called the Feast of the Magi had its origin in the region of Egypt, in the third century, according to ancient testimonies and settled in Rome, around the fifth century, as he wrote: The origins of Epiphany evoke us in Egypt. What is first and effectively celebrated in worship is the primordial Sacred in its finished historical expression: the mystery of the historically dated Christ, once constituted as dominating history, definitely emerged from its intricacies and uniquely susceptible to being beaten, made present and reactivated by the rite (SANCHIS, 1988). The festival, therefore, with its rites revives the Christian mystery by impregnating the faithful in a symbolic-religious world, loaded with folklore, in which the presence of the sacred, in prayers and processions, joins the profane element, represented by the fun, as spells out Pergo: Popular festivals are traditions that constitute the resistance of the peoples in defense of their culture and customs. Studies such as those by Antonio de Paiva Moura address the theme of folk festivals in Brazil. According to this author, for the characterization of the Brazilian popular festivals, its structural components must be presented, that is, the religious activities, such as the mass, the procession, the blessing, the novena and the prayer are given by priests or by persons authorized by the Church; those of profane religious character seek to honor the sacred figures, always in a festive and joyful manner, in which there is mast raising, ballets such as "Congados", "Folia de Reis", "Império do Divino", "Reinado do Rosário", "Pastorinhas", being given by lay people with the approval of the priest. The profane popular parties have a sense of fun, aiming to entertain visitors for longer parties such as auctions, dances, food, stalls, among others. It should be noted that the "Folia de Reis" has a profane-religious character and is part of the Christmas cycle, held from December 24 to January 6, with celebrations for the birth of Jesus through festivities (PERGO, 2018). During the Christmas season, the faithful of Saint John of Petropolis, a community belonging to Saint Teresa celebrates the Feast of Kings with Mass, prayers, processions, holidays and congadas, as a way of honoring Jesus Christ, the Virgin Mary and the Kings in Celebrations of the birth of Jesus. These celebrations reflect that manifestation of the Sacred.
Regarding the importance of the flag, in a revelry of kings, this is expressed Question: The Flag, called the "Doctrine", is made of shiny cloth. It is affixed with a print of the wise men. It is the sacred element of the Company and is treated as such: it is respectfully kissed by the residents of the houses visited, it is passed with great faith on the beds of the residence and can never be placed in a less dignified place. This respect continues throughout the year, even after the time of Kings: in the house where she is kept, there are periodic prayers before her. In the cultural universe of our people, the flag is the representation of the three kings; therefore, the Masters explain, she must always go ahead with the representatives of the shepherds who followed the Magi (PERGO, 2018). Respect and veneration of the flag, made sacred by the revelers and blessed by the priest before the celebrations, illustrates this process of sacralization as a hierophanic manifestation. In this way, the faithful have their energies renewed to begin another year of toil under the protection of the divine while having fun with the family as they parade in the preparation of the typical dress, the rehearsal of the songs by the revelers.
The procession goes through the streets of the community, reciting a third, stopping at the altars made by some residents, in which they say a few litanies, the clowns recite a few verses and bow the flag, the revelers beg the almsman and They say goodbye, departing the streets again, praying and singing to the next mounted altar. After the end of the Church comes a great feast with food and drink for all, uniting the religious element with the profane. The practices of ancient hierophanies in honor of the summer sun by the peoples of Europe are incorporated into the various religious systems of today. They have passed through the times and come in different forms, but conserving their archaic manifestations represented in our folklore. The rituals of celebration of the ancient peoples of Europe showed their love for the harvests that took place in the late winter and early summer periods, which we call here "the month of St. John", were true struggles between the forces of the good against evil (TRIGUEIRO, 1995). Throughout the centuries, the Church has been able to purify certain pagan practices, seeking to eradicate them, and in other cases, when they were too entrenched, sought to mean them, as happened in the celebrations of St. John, whose ancient elements remained to this day. , incorporated into the manifestations of popular piety, including these elements, such as bonfires, for example, was used by the Jesuits in the process of catechizing the Indians in the 16th century, especially with the festivities of the June cycle (CHIANCA, 2007).

V. JUNE PARTIES IN SANTO ANTONIO AND SAINT JOHN THE BAPTIST
The celebrations are always preceded by a preparation over the nine days, called novena, in which masses are celebrated, receive outside priests to celebrate and make prayers and litanies to worship the patron, in addition to the social aspect of the party, ie the profane, such as typical food stalls, flags, children's games, folk dances, mast lifting, among other elements that in addition to the fraternization aspect raises financial funds for the Church. Here one sees a clericalization of the party, once exclusively lay and almost without mass, in the early days.
The June festivals were also brought by the Portuguese and their original name in the European Catholic countries was the Anthony that reveals his intense biography as a thaumaturge with more than 50 stupendous miracles performed in the life of the most diverse, as narrated the old hagiographies; On the other hand, it was called the "hammer of the heretics" because of its strong defense of Christian orthodoxy against the Cathars and the Islamic infidels. However, the saint's popularity in Portugal and Brazil came as the saint invoked to find lost things and to

International Journal of Advanced Engineering Research and Science (IJAERS)
[ Vol-7, Issue-1, Jan-2020]  https://dx.doi.org/10.22161/ijaers.71.24  ISSN: 2349-6495(P) | 2456-1908(O) arrange marriage. Thus the orthodox thaumaturge became the "matchmaker saint." At the beginning of the Modern Age, the domestic and affective face of Saint Anthony would be concentrated, within the scope of popular Catholicism, in his virtue of being a "matchmaker", a holy marriage promoter. "Marry Me Saint Anthony, Marry Me!" Is what appears in various prayers. But such virtue of friar Antonio, later saint, hardly appears in his hagiography or in the accounts of his thaumaturgical powers. Yes, stand out -and this virtue is of extraordinary longevity -its immense power to recover "lost things." Things and people. Perhaps this gives rise to the "matchmaking" virtue attributed to Saint Anthony, for between the lost and the desired the border is always very thin. In any case, Saint Bonaventure, also a Franciscan, had pointed out Saint Anthony, still in the Middle Ages, as he reminds perditas and Antonio Vieira calls him ria deparador, a word that is in disuse today. that finds the lost (VAINFAS, 2003). A striking feature of the devotion to St. Anthony in the Catholic communities of Santa Teresa / ES is strong male devotion, as seen in the devotions of men during the festivities, as in the procession. The procession is one of the outward aspects of popular devotion. Souza (2013) points out that a procession can be both a festive celebration and a penitential act, in any case, it is a public demonstration of faith, since the processions take place in the streets around the chapel or church, and in some occasions, through various city streets.
The procession symbolizes the belonging of the faithful to the Church, but it is done outside the temple, on the streets and not inside, which demonstrates the ambiguity inherent in the ritual: at the same time ecclesiastical and profane ceremony, controlled by the Church and absorbing elements profane. At the same time, the procession affirms the authority of faith over the profane space, incorporates it into the authority of the Church, and makes the Christian identity of those who participate in it affirmed before themselves and before those who remain unaware of the faith (SOUZA, 2013). In this statement by Souza are those elements presented by Mircea Eliade about the relationship between the sacred and the profane that blend together as they roam the streets of the locality which is an unholy space with a religious image adorned with flowers on its shoulders while singing and singing. The rosary says that it demonstrates the primacy of faith, the sacred, the supernatural over the profane, the temporal.
One element that can be seen in the procession of St. Anthony is a pedagogical transmission of faith to future generations, as observed in the child dressed as St. Anthony, who eventually reflects the faith of those responsible who are likely to keep some promise to the saint. It is a common custom to dress the children of St. Anthony, the so-called "Toninhos" who accompany the procession as a way of thanking the saint for some grace achieved, usually a cure or payment of promise and exvows: And when healing is done, the believer often thanks him for making ex-vows, although these are not limited to the rendering of healings, but may include financial, loving, and other problems. What matters is that the ex-vows are intended to make the miracle public or to make a public demonstration of the success of a promise, that is, a covenant between the believer and his divine protector. The term ex-vote, after all, represents the abbreviation of the Latin expression ex-suspicious vote, ie the vote taken, and it is thus, effectively, that it can be defined (SOUZA, 2013). The promise is one of the elements of popular piety that manifests itself in many ways, from offerings and donations to the Church to public manifestations of faith in the saint, which demonstrate faith in miracles. For this reason, Souza considers that these elements, such as "the feast, the promise and a series of rites, aim to win the saint's favor, causing him to intercede for the believer in his daily affairs and dramas. Let the saint protect him, take care of him and save him. " In addition to the religious aspects, there are the social aspects of cultural manifestation as noted by the presence of the fanfare soon after the andor, emphasizing the festive character, as Souza expressed: "The festive, profane character of the processions did not come with Christianity, but made within it, common to the parties organized by the Church or by its faithful "(SOUZA, 2013).

VI. THE PARTY OF OUR LADY APARECIDA
Another feast very celebrated in the communities of Santa Teresa by Catholics is the Feast in honor of Our Lady Aparecida, Queen and Patron of Brazil. It is a devotion from Brazil itself, in the face of the finding of the small image of Paulista terracotta of the Immaculate Conception, by fishermen, by the 1717, which in the following centuries soon spread, mainly in southeastern Brazil, impregnating, including religiosity. of newly arrived immigrants, as attested by the chapels, such as the community of Correia, illustrated by photo 09 below, in honor of Our Lady of Aparecida in Santa Teresa. Besen (2012a) states that the Church in these lands owes to the laity, that is, to the simple and faithful people, the foundation and, later, conservation of shrines, oratories, chapels and other places of pilgrimage. This is exactly the case of the largest Marian shrine in the world, the National Shrine of Our Lady Aparecida, in Aparecida / SP, a great religious center of devotion, a true hieropolis. Despite the simplicity of the place, the people always meet in October, on the occasion of the novena or triduum in honor of Our Lady Aparecida to say their prayers, litanies and attend masses that prepare the great day of the Solemnity of the patron saint of Brazil, the 12th. October, when the procession and the festive mass take place. It is interesting to mention that in all festivities there is a preparation before the festive day, be it a trezena (13 days), a novena (9 days) or a tríduo (3 days).
It is interesting to see in these religious manifestations -the patron feasts -this game of sacred and profane that the classical authors of the sociology of religion referred to. We can see that division of the world into two domains, one sacred and one profane, good and evil. This dichotomy of which Durkheim speaks, for example, in the quotation already presented in the first chapter and resumed here for the purpose of grounding this perception even today when analyzing the religious manifestations of the municipality of Santa Teresa.
All known religious beliefs, whether simple or complex, have the same common character: they assume a classification of things, real or ideal, which men conceive in two classes into two opposite genres, generally designated by two distinct terms than the words. sacred and profane translate quite well. The division of the world into two domains that comprise, one, all that is sacred, another, all that is profane, such is the distinguishing feature of religious thought: beliefs, myths, gnomes, legends, are representations or systems of representations that express the nature of sacred things, the virtues and powers attributed to them, their history, their mutual and profane relations (DURKHEIM, 1996). As can be seen, the Catholic faith manifested in the feasts of the patron saints becomes an element of social unity and continuity between the past and the present, keeping alive the traditions received from immigrant ancestors and transmitting to new generations, as can be observed by the presence of children in these festivities, the values that constituted Santa Teresa.
After the sacral moment of prayer, of the liturgy of the Mass, there was an unholy prolongation through Quermesses, folkloric performances, gatherings in barracks, in which there was all social and economic interest. It is undeniable that in these manifestations of faith, the sacred and the profane intertwine, giving meaning to the life of these faithful of Saint Teresa. These elements since the beginning of colonization constituted a factor of cultural identity. For through the Catholic faith and its practice manifested in religious festivals throughout the liturgical and devotional cycle, Italianity in Brazil was founded, based on family, land, the value of work and Catholic religiosity. Thus, these immigrants from various parts of Italy were forging during the colonization process marked by many tensions, having faith and language as common elements, a sense of belonging that remains to this day in their devotional and religious practices. in local customs, although over time they have adopted Brazilian traditions and customs, including devotional practice, such as the devotion to Our Lady Aparecida, typically from Brazil. However, the elements of Catholic faith inherited from the first immigrants are still present in these religious manifestations, maintaining a cultural unity among Catholics, despite the particularities of each community.

VII.
CONCLUSION It was possible to observe this relationship between the sacred and the profane in the religious festivities of the aforementioned city, the sacralization of temporality as a way of entering the eternal, the Kairós, that is, the time of grace, in which miracles, healings, that manifest the action of the divine through the saints.
The importance of demarcating the sacred as territoriality to emphasize that that place or place is sacred. This has been present since the founding of the city and continues today with the construction or renovation of temples, and the importance of publicly manifesting faith through processions. Thus, even unconsciously, without the presuppositions of the sociology of Religion, these simple people were asserting with their religious manifestations that they overlapped the spiritual to the temporal, the sacred to the profane as they walked with the saint's shoulder upon the feast day.
It is a trait that demonstrates the universality of the Catholic faith that manages to keep within it diverse cultural elements while professing a single faith, acculting them, adapting them, reframing them, so as to give a feeling to the faithful world, without great damage to doctrinal orthodoxy, mainly through popular piety. It can be seen in these researched manifestations, the strength that popular Catholicism has to maintain this bond, as well as the appropriation of these popular manifestations by the hierarchy of the Church, that is, by the Institutional Church for the maintenance of the Catholic faith among the local population.