Cooperation and Competitiveness in Brazilian Crafted beer Production: The case of gypsy breweries in Goiás State

This paper aimed to present and discuss the craft beer production in Goias state, Brazil, where brewers do not own the necessary equipment (gypsy breweries). Therefore, a literature review combined with qualitative interviews with gypsy brewers were carried out. The industrial and crafted forms of production have not been annu lled, and forms of production have arisen that involved processes of sharing the infrastructures of large companies and crafted producers, as in the case of gypsy breweries, cuckoo or ghosts. The practices of gypsy breweries, therefore, left Europe and gai ned the world, and came to materialize in Goiás, Brazil. A country that stands out in the production and consumption of beer. Among the main positive aspects of the practice of gypsy brewing in Goiás, it was possible to perceive the stimulation of diversif ied consumption, the possibility of using equipment in a more efficient way, taking advantage of moments of vacancy, sharing knowledge, and stimulating improvement in the quality of production, and, among the main bottlenecks are the distribution structures of production, and, the existing taxes in Brazil. Keywords— crafted beer, gypsy breweries, cooperation, competition.

INTRODUCTION Patrick Mcgovern in his book "Uncorking the Past" points out that interest in accessing alcohol may have led men, hitherto, hunters and gatherers to plant cultivation and thus cease to be nomadic. In his research, the archaeologist was in different points of the world evaluating through biomolecular research traces of boilers, to verify the consumption and search for the extraction of alcohol under various forms in different cultures around the world.
The consumption of alcohol, therefore, has always been linked to human customs, and the advances of production and access to alcohol have been diverse throughout the history of humanity. These advances are linked both to the act of producing, to the distribution and forms of organization and management of production.
The study and mastery of fermentation and refrigeration techniques facilitated the production of alcoholic beverages on a large scale.
This article deals with the production of alcohol, specifically beer, and brings elements that support us to reflect on how the relations of production sometimes point to a complex reality that advances and makes ponder over the conceptual issues. In this article, we focus on how beer production came about, gained scale, and reached the different points of the country and at the same time diversified. This means that the relationship between production and consumption is complex, it is n ot just about consuming a product, but also about diversifying consumption. And, this diversification requires diverse strategies.
It transpires that beer production and the competitiveness of a global market could both undermine crafted beer productions, their potency and supply capacity, but simultaneously generated a demand for an increasingly diverse production.
Thus, the large breweries began to serve several countries in the world, and as a parallel phenomenon, small and medium-sized breweries also exposed large companies and society itself, its importance and wealth. And for this to be possible it was necessary to develop operating strategies, since small and medium-sized productions do not always access structures for production.
The mode of production called Gypsy Breweries, Ghosts, or Cuckoo are therefore an object of analysis, especially the gypsy production, because it is a strategy of production on a smaller scale and, using equipment and infrastructure of larger breweries.
Thus, gypsy production allows a brewer, who has neither a factory nor the means of production, to access the means of production of another producer to create his product.
In this case study, the gypsy production in Goiás state, in central Brazil, will be analyzed. It is noteworthy that Brazil is a country of competitive international production and, theoretically, an environment with great supply and brewing culture.
Therefore, it should be noted that the existing consumer environment has also become demanding and has enabled the production of smaller breweries and of gypsy beers.
Gypsy breweries were thus called from the beer production proposals alternatively by the Danes Mikkel Borg Bjergsø and Kristian Klarup Keller. These are beers produced using the structure of industrial breweries, which allow, by means of a contract, stipulating payment methods for the use of equipment, which make it possible to produce beer from being handmade or homemade to becoming commercial or industrial.
In this sense, it is necessary to reflect on the different forms of production processes that occur within the traditional production system. One can see in what way consumption has transformed allowing the co-existence of products of large companies, and the diversified ones.

II. DYNAMICS OF BEER PRODUCTION AND CONSUMPTION WORLDWIDE
The consumer society is a reality in many developed and developing countries of the world. In developing countries, or unequal countries such as Brazil, this consumer society has advanced in recent years.
As the unequal countries advance in stimulating their consumer markets, the lower classes advance in the consumption of different products, hitherto not accessible or unknown in different parts of the world.
Regarding the beverage market, the advance in consumption is no different. The market for alcoholic beverages in Brazil and in the world has grown since its birth.
The beer market is diverse, with small, medium and large productions that have spread throughout the world.
A craft beer is produced by a craft brewer. According to the Brewers Association (2018), in America, a craft brewer can be classified as:

•
Small: Annual production of 6 million barrels of beer or less (approximately 3 percent of U.S. annual sales). Beer production is attributed to a brewer according to the rules of alternating proprietorships. • Independent: Less than 25% of the craft brewery is owned or controlled (or equivalent economic interest) by a beverage alcohol industry member which is not itself a craft brewer. • Traditional: A brewer which has most of its total beverage alcohol volume in beers whose flavors derive from traditional or innovative brewing ingredients and their fermentation. Flavored Malt Beverages (FMBs) are not considered beers. Before the advance of capitalism to Southern countries, production was concentrated in the Northern hemisphere. Thus, until the end of the decade of 1930, the countries that produced more beer were: United States, Germany and, Great Britain. Source: Limberger (2016, p. 27) By the 1960s, the scenario had not yet been modified. Therefore, the largest producers in the world were represented by the countries: United States, the Federal Republic of Germany (West Germany) and Great Britain. There was loss of importance in the case of Belgium and growth in the case of Russia and Czechoslovakia.

Fig.2: Main beer producing countries in the 1960s (selected years, in million hectoliters)
Source: Limberger (2016, p. 31) After this configuration, along the expansion of brewing production in the world, countries traditionally producing beer were losing space, and, according to Limberger (2016), traditional brewing countries were losing ground to production growing in the periph ery countries of the capitalist system, and the enterprises of these countries were expanding into these new emerging markets. The degree of concentration has increased, products have been globalized and competition has been faced more intensively in the world market (Limberger, 2016, p. 10).
These transformations have generated changes in global production scenarios.
Big countries in beverage production point to the sector's competitiveness worldwide. The largest breweries in the world are in countries in Europe and America, with data that draw attention to countries such as Germany, the Netherlands, the United States and, in recent years, Brazil.
Brazil stood out in the decade of 2010 by the growth of the industry and the acquisition of foreign industries, showing international competition. Producers such as Ambev and Inbev are examples of this expansion.  (2017) The data that present the production by country therefore expose a geography of production by volume different from the geography of production by diversity. Thus, after the 1990s, there was a great transformation in the brewing production scenario. And in the decade of 2010, the countries that stood out in productio n, in volume, worldwide, were China, the United States and Brazil.
When the data are analyzed by region, Asia presents itself as the first producing region of the world, and the second region is represented by Europe, which with all countries, constitute a larger production than North America, and South America not summed. consumption has decreased in traditional "beer drinking nations" while it increased strongly in emerging economies. Climatic conditions, religion, and relative prices also influence beer consumption (Colen & Swinnen, 2016). A quantitative empirical analysis by Colen and Swinnen (2016) demonstrates that the relationship between income and beer consumption has an inverse Ushape. With rising incomes, beer consumption initially increases, but at higher levels of income it falls.
According to Stack et al. (2016, p.54), "Although beer is an ancient beverage, brewing as an industry was not historically one of the driving forces of globalization. Certainly, there are instances during the past century of specific brands being made available in other countries, but for the most part, beer brands have not crossed national borders. In many countries, beer, more than many products, has become intertwined with notions of national identity and pride. As a result, the efforts to internationalize in this market must overcome deep cultural associations regarding the product, the producer and the consumer."

III.
THE PREFERENCE FOR CRAFT BEER The consumer worldwide is showing a growing preference for craft beer. Figures from Euromonitor International (2014) revealed annual market share gains at rates of 3%. In order to understand this shift in preference, it is fundamental to know about the brewing revolution that has been taking place on a global scale in recent years. It is an international movement with emphasis on regional and technological productive transformations. Although beer has been produced since 8000 BC, its global popularization happened after the Second World War (Oliveira &Barcelos, 2017).
From the 1950s up until the 1980s, the production and distribution of beer in countries such as the United States and the United Kingdom were planned to satisfy a uniform and growing demand; there was little room for diversification in the product. In this period, the brewing industry became highly concentrated with few h igh capacity global players offering a standardized and blended product worldwide (Cabras&Bamforth, 2016). This international scenario in the 1980s was the leitmotif (one of them) for the rise of micro-breweries with new possibilities of diversification translated for the consumers in terms of choice and taste.
The characteristics of the big players (generalist firms) in the beer market left peripheral space for the upsurge of small players, specialist firms (micro-breweries, brewpubs, contract brewers) that chose narrow homogenous targets at a regional scale (Cabras & Bamforth, 2016). The increase in the number of small specialist firms came in response to the increasing dissatisfaction of consumers with bland products offered by major brewers. "These trends indicate that consumers' tastes were becoming increasingly sophisticated and micro-brewers were better able to cater for this market" (Cabras & Higgins, 2016, p. 615).
The interest for stronger flavors was one important reason for the rise of craft beer but not the only one. Consumers were also looking over quality, accepting drinking less but drinking better (Euromonitor International, 2017). The driver for craft beer is as much linked to notions of localization, authenticity and heritage. In fact, this interest was sparked five decades ago with a pioneer initiative in the United Kingdom called Campaign for Real Ale (CAMRA), a movement of beer lovers that valued the traditional way of producing and storing beer. This was the first wave by Cabras and Bamforth (2016). The second wave happened in the early 1990s and was characterized by the entrance of new founders barely connected to breweries or brewing, such as retirees or beer-lovers looking for a career change. The third wave came in the early 2000s and was testified by a growing number of micro-breweries due to the development in brewing technologies reducing the price of equipment that became more compact and easier to install.
The brewing revolution also had its branches in Latin America, an important emerging market. According to Oliveira and Barcelos (2017) the Brazilian brewing sector experienced a market transformation as the craft beer was introduced. Superior quality drinks and new flavors were highly appreciated in contrast to light beer which is subject to massive production.
The devotion manifested by beer lovers is such that they are willing to travel to experience a good product with full-bodied characteristics. More enthusiastic beer lovers are favorably disposed to know the beers as much as to understand their production process. In this vein, brewers in Brazil adopt integrative marketing strategies, like guided visits to factories, tours in specialized beer fairs, partnerships with bars and gastronomic places (Oliveira &Barcelos, 2017).
In short, the craft beer industry came as an answer to the complaint of consumers unsatisfied with the homogenized, standardized and blended flavor products made by dominant international players. In response to the growing sophistication of the consumer in the last decades, new organizational forms of business (small specialized firms) started supplying this consumer with

IV. DYNAMICS OF BRAZILIAN BEER PRODUCTION AND ITS COMPETITIVENESS
Brewery production in Brazil originated, according to Limberger (2016), mainly due to the European immigration that came to Brazil in the mid-nineteenth century. Small industries were formed in the South and Southeast and were being extinguished with the industrialization and growth of big companies.
The history of this productive sector reflects, therefore, the history of the population's advances in the territory, of urbanization and Brazilian industrialization. Therefore, as the population entered the territory, the phenomenon of urbanization and industrialization spread, and the beer industry also spread. Figure 3 points out some of the main moments of the Brazilian industrial production and its dissemination in the territory. The industrial production, as can be seen, starts in the south and southeast of Brazil, and advances to the other regions.
Thus, at the end of 1800 there were already three Brazilian breweries, founded in the states of Rio de Janeiro and São Paulo. And, from 1930, Brahma and Antarctica began to seek to distribute their production in new regions of the national territory and acquire small businesses. A national competition was started for the growth of production and distribution in Brazil.
In the 1970s, Brahma acquired companies from the states of Goiás, Ceará, Bahia and Amazonas, and Antarctica acquired companies from the states of São Paulo, Rio Grande do Sul, Amazonas, Bahia, Minas Gerais, Goiás, Espírito Santo, Piauí and Paraná.
In the 1980s, Brahma acquired companies from the state of São Paulo, Paraná, Rio Grande do Sul and Rio de Janeiro. And, Antarctica acquiredcompanies from Rio Grande do Sul, Minas Gerais, Rio de Janeiro, Paraná, Piauí, Paraíba and Rio Grande do Norte.
Thus, in the 1970s, Antarctica already had companies in all regions of Brazil, and Brahma had not only acquired companies in the South, and in the 1980s, both companies already had production in all regions of the country.
During the twentieth century, the great national companies reached the full extent of the national territory, with Brahma becoming the fifth largest brewery in the world in the 1990s and Antarctica among the fifteen largest in the world.
The process of acquisition of small and medium-sized breweries by large breweries occurred in several countries worldwide, not only in Brazil. The sector presents product heterogeneity, brand diversity and great competition to access consumers.
As an example of the dynamics of growth and acquisitions reference may be made to the Dutch company Heineken. This company was also founded in year 1800 and guaranteed its expansion with the acquisition of companies in countries of North America, Asia and Europe.
The dynamics of competition between companies, however, became global and, throughout the 2000s, according to Limberger (2016), Brazilian companies were denationalized.
Thus, the market was controlled by groups such as AB-Inbev (and its subsidiary Ambev), which dominates almost 70% of the market, Kirin Brazil, (which acquired Schincariol), Heineken Brasil (which acquired Kaiser and Bavaria), and the Brazilian brewery Petrópolis. In this sense, four companies control 95% of the Brazilian market.

International Journal of Advanced Engineering Research and Science (IJAERS)
[ Nowadays the beer industry represents 1.6% of Brazilian GDP. 14,1 billion liters are produced annually. R$ 21 billion in taxes go to the Government. 38 thousand of vehicles in fleet are used in distribution channels. 2.7 million jobs are involved. Each R$ 1.00 invested in the beer industry, generates R$ 2.50 in the Brazilian economy. 1.2 million outlets spread over the country. 99% of households are supplied with beer in Brazil. R$ 107 billion of turnover in 2017 (Cervbrasil, 2018).
Brazil has approximately 117 thousand hectares planted with cereals destined to the production of beer. There are 610 breweries registered in the year 2017, just before the economic crisis in Brazil, 91 new breweries. There are 3 big companies dominating the market in Brazil; Ambev, Heineken and the Petropolis Group, the three together hold 98.6% of the world beer market (Martins et al., 2017).
Garavaglia and Swinnen (2018) documented when the craft beer movements started in various countries, and how they have evolved. The authors also discuss the role of changes in demand, the role of pioneers in craft brewing, and what factors determined the re-emergence of small brewers. Some of the factors discussed by the authors refer to the role of information, networks, regulation, capital, and technology markets. Limberger (2016) identified the geo-economic dynamics of the Brazilian brewing sector, the presence of oligopolies and the emergence of smaller companies that the author called marginal. Marginal companies were considered micro-breweries to produce high value-added beers because they made profits that did not exceed the average profit.

V. THE COMEBACK OF SMALL AND MEDIUM SIZE BREWERIES AND THE DIVERS IFICATION OF PRODUCTION
From the 1990s onwards, Brazil presented a highly competitive environment with oligopoly leadership, and from the 2000s onwards, an environment of great potential for consumption of higher quality products was created, the income of the Brazilian population raised, and the lack of diversification of Brazilian beer production, which marketed several brands of distinct qualities, but of similar standards, has been overcome.
According to the Brazilian Institute of Applied Economic Research, between 2001 and 2011, the per capita income of the richest 10% increased to 16.6% in accumulated terms, while the income of the poorest grew notably by 91.2% in the period (IPEA, 2012).
The growth in the consumption of the products of marginal companies, which we call small and medium-sized enterprises, was also due to the increase in the population's income, which consisted of beers of different standards and higher prices.
Thus, from the 1990s, after a long period of growth of the national brands Brahma and Antarctica, with the acquisition of several smaller breweries, small breweries of artisanal production began to be reborn. These producers had a differentiated strategy, since they were not producing, filtering, pasteurizing and bottling for trade, but producing for sale in barrels, bars or in the factory itself (Limberger, 2016). This phenomenon of craft beer production and appreciation of this production occurred in the 1970s in countries such as the United States and the United Kingdom.
The revival of small breweries comes therefore from artisanal productions, and from socioeconomic change, from enlargement of income, from cultural change and consumption, with the expansion of the demand conditions that allowed stimuli to appreciate differentiated products.
In a very significant group of microbreweries, the initial capital invested in the creation of the company comes from other industrial businesses, being the brewing activity a way to diversify the family business. In this group, we can mention the breweries Bierland, MisturaClássica, Colorado, Burgerman, DaDo Bier and Insana (Limberger, 2016, p.125).
In her analysis of Brazilian breweries, Limberger (2016) identified the following types: craft breweries, independent breweries, commercial microbrewery of the large company, and small traditional breweries.
• Craft breweries: small-scale enterprises, which produce in small quantities, with a small contingent of labor, for limited public, are concentrated in local or regional markets, do not invest in machinery, whose entrepreneurs dominate the productive process, including purchases and sales, whose investments are oriented to the creation of new products, and, optimization of the productive process with adaptations that do not require a large capital contribution. • Independent breweries: they are companies concerned with increasing production, dynamics in conducting market research, product differentiation and the use of technology used in production. It is a competitor of both artisanal producers and leading companies. • Commercial microbrewery of large companies: large companies, or leading companies have brands generated by acquiring independent The Brazilian craft brewers are organized in the AssociaçãoBrasileira de CervejaArtesanal (Abracerva, 2018). According to Beni (2017, p.71), craft beers are those brewed by one of these three types of breweries in Brazil: • Brazilian microbrewery: based in Brazil, with at least 50% of Brazilian capital, producing own brands or for third parties, with a total production of no more than 1 million litters annually; • Gypsy microbrewery: based in Brazil, with at least 50% of Brazilian capital, with own brands and production rights, without own brewing equipment, producing at third party industrial plants, with a total production of no more than 1 million litters annually; • Brewpub: based in Brazil, with at least 50% of Brazilian capital, producing and marketing at the same place. Marketing is restricted to the brewpub. The scenario of new breweries completely changed the access to the products and diversified the consumption of the products in the country. They started to live and produce artisan, independent, commercial breweries, small traditional breweries, bars producers, as well as gypsy productions. This diversity allowed the expansion of the consumption of other styles of the drink, which stopped being a sector-only producer of pilsner (or pilsener) and lagers and began to produce diverse other types such as ales, pale ales, witbiers, saurs and others.
In year 2010, the culture of the consumption of more diverse products spread, and the productive sector entered the different states of the country with other forms of production, and other products.
According to the Ministry of Agriculture, Livestock and Food Supply (MAPA) in Brazil, in 2017, 679 establishments were registered as breweries, and presented 8903 registered products of breweries, beers and draft beer. Figure 4 shows the growth of Brazilian breweries 2002-2017. Regarding the geographical distribution of breweries in Brazil, these are concentrated in the South and Southeast regions. The state of Rio Grande do Sul has the largest number of breweries, followed by the states of São Paulo and Minas Gerais, and Goiás is in the seventh position, according to the Ministry of Agriculture, Livestock and Food Supply (MAPA).
Thus, according to Carvalho et al. (2018), there is a growing market segment with different buying habits and behaviors compared to traditional beer consumers.
Craft beer emerged in Brazil during the 1990s (Krohn, 2018). With the high market concentration of bulk beer production, more and more consumers look for identity products, including beer. This creates new opportunities of interpreting competition and emerging markets.

VI.
COOPETITION -COMPETING AND COOPERATING SIMULTANEOUSLY The idea of coopetition, i.e. the simultaneous coexistence of competition and collaboration, is not new. Taking the chambers of commerce as reference, it is not difficult to understand that these institutions play an important role in the collaboration among competitors to address and solve common problems faced by the industry, such as the standardization of payment systems, lobbying on regulations, etc. One of the first chambers of commerce was found in Marseille, France, in 1599 (CCI, 2018).
The term "co-opetition" was first heard in the business context from the founder of Novell, CEO Ray Noords, in the 1980s: he argued that a company had to be able to compete and cooperate at the same time (Monticelli, 2015). In the academy the issue was introduced by Bradenburger and Nalebuff (1996); with the use of the theory of games as a support, the authors developed the dynamics of this paradoxical approach. Through collaboration, competitors can achieve better performance levels and above average profitability (Czakon& Rogalski, 2014). As a research field, the issue is in its infancy with a limited body of literature (Ritala et al., 2016).
The firms cooperate to create value but compete for the results (Monticelli, 2015). In the coopetition relationship, agents cooperate in some activities and compete in others aiming at maximizing their gains. These relationships are based on confidence, reciprocity and altruism.
The advantages of the adoption of coopetition abound. With the game theory as reference, coopetition is a positive-sum-game (Bradenburger&Nalebuss, 1996) There is a special interest in this paper for the access to resources and knowledge coopetition provides. A deal to concurrently collaborate and compete can be a gateway to the acquisition of complementary/supplementary resources. This way a firm can overcome technical, managerial, or infrastructural limitations. In their research, Cygler and Debkowska (2015) outlined that firms should try partnerships with competitors with a strong technological position. The authors argued there is a need for differentiation among the partners' abilities in order to permit an exchange of knowledge and capacity among them. The complementarity of resources is very important in the sense that one partner becomes able to access the other's necessary resources. This sharing facilitates the reduction of operational costs and improves the innovation capacity (Hamouti, 2016). Reporting a research in Southern Brazil, Monticelli (2015) highlighted that a great portion of the small wine producing companies could only have access to international fairs, for instance, because they were cooperating with each other in an integrative project supported by the Wine Brazilian Institute (IBRAVIN) and the Agency for Promotion of Exportation and Investments (APEX). Another example is given by Kemppainen (2015) in the European payment system context, where partners compete in the provision of payment instruments and services for end-users but cooperate in building the payment infrastructure and defining relevant standards.
Although the advantages are well attested by the literature, coopetition does not happen without problems. As firms are friends and rivals at the same time, there are conflicts of logic in the cooperation/competition approach

VII. THE GYPSY BREWERIES AS A COOPERATION STRATEGY
In this study, the productive structure of the coffee export chain in El Salvador was evaluated, as well as the established functional relations, where the non-capitalist appropriations are perceived at the base of the productive system, which, when traversing agents and social structures, reach export activity. They present themselves then, more deeply embedded in capitalist relations.
The author draws attention to the fact that, although more specifically in the case of El Salvador, this type of relationship can be investigated in other Latin American countries.
In the case of beer production, we can see variations in the structure of capitalism, especially considering the uses of small and medium-sized machinery.
It happens that periods of equipment vacancy do not add productivity, and therefore, the relations established between small and medium producers of traditional beers, can be changed to attend artisan producers, pointing to a different use of means of production, with actions of cooperation and sharing of the means of production that at first could be different strategies in the capitalist system.
At first, sharing the means of production with other producers could mean loss of strength and diminishing the competitiveness of that producer holding the means of production. But in a highly competitive environment, it can be a strategy of access to new knowledge through the accompaniment of the artisanal production mode, made available by sharing its space and machinery.
And, in a complementary way, the artisan producer is interested in accessing equipment that does not have capital and structure, and thus enables production, and reaches a greater scale of production even with the sharing of some information through the strategy of collaboration, cooperation and sharing. There is exchange of knowledge for access to idle equipment.
Brewing beer without having a factory for it means producing in a Gypsy, Cuckoo, or Phantom way.
In the Brazilian Midwest, the brewing sector is characterized as one of the most relevant and versatile sectors of the Brazilian economy in relation to the growth and creation of new commercial niches (Lima et al., 2017).
A study by Thomé et al. (2016) suggests that the only significant item to the consumers' luxury value perception in the dimension of financial value is the higher price of premium beers.
According to Lima et al. (2017, 655-656), among the states of the Brazilian Midwest region, Goiás state has more brewers than Mato Grosso, Mato Grosso do Sul and Distrito Federal together.
Thus, although it has been exposed that in Brazil, Rio Grande do Sul stands out, it can also be said that regionally, that is, in the Midwest, Goiás stands out in the production of artisan beers and in gypsy production.
In Goiás, it is possible to identify breweries in the different categories presented above. But in general, the small traditional breweries will be presented to introduce the profile of these breweries in Goiás and present the strategy of the Gypsy Brewery and its partnerships with this type of brewery.
Goiás state is in Central Brazil. The federal capital Brasilia is located within Goiás state. Goiás state has beer production structures serving national as well as local production.
According to the Integrated System of Agricultural Products and Establishments -SIPEAGRO of the Ministry of Agriculture, Livestock and Supply, there are 29 registered breweries in the Midwest, of which 18 are concentrated in Goiás.
Of the 18 breweries registered at MAPA, 02 are large breweries, Ambev and Brasil Kirin, and the others are small and traditional breweries, responsible to produce pilsner (or pilsener) and lager beers, and there are also breweries that produce different types of beers, such as Santa Dica.

International Journal of Advanced Engineering Research and Science (IJAERS)
[ Vol-6, Issue-6, June-2019]  https://dx.doi.org/10.22161/ijaers.6.6.2  ISSN: 2349-6495(P) | 2456-1908(O) www.ijaers.com Beer production in Goiás therefore represents part of the national scenario, with the production of traditional beers by large industries, and names, global competitors, such as Ambev and Brazil Kirin, with local industries of conventional products and with local industries of diversified products. In this way, the regional and local scenario presents itself as diverse and heterogeneous.
According to the local legislation (Goiás State Law no. 13,194/2016), a craft brewer produces a maximal amount of 5 million liters of beer annually.
In addition to the productions cited, there are Gypsy productions.
So, in Goiás, as in other parts of Brazil, there is an activity called CervejariaCigana (gypsy brewery). It is a collaborative activity between bottled and drafted beer producers and craft beer producers.
This action seeks to enable craft brewers to access the structures of small or medium industries to produce on a larger scale. But, at the same time, the small and mediumsized industrial companies come to know the recipes and methodologies of production of the craft brewers. For this reason, it is a strategy of shared use of structures that benefits both craft producers and industrial producers.
There are some Gypsy Breweries in Goiás. According to interviews with artisan producers and gypsies associated with the Goiás Brewery Association, there are at least 06 Gypsy breweries in Goiás, and at least another sixteen Gypsy breweries in the Federal District that also operate in Goiás. Below the main breweries gypsies who work in Goiás: For the present research, questionnaires were sent to all 11 artisan producers and gypsies in Goiás state to answer the questions related to the forms of production, the impact of this type of activity in stimulating the consumption of differentiated products and the main challenges of this type of production. From the 11 existing gypsy breweries, four have responded our questionnaire. The main characteristics were shown in Table 6. participation.

Source: Research results
The answers present the functioning of gypsy production, its potentialities, bottlenecks and challenges. The main elements of this survey are: the importance of supporting the diversification of production, appreciation of culture, knowledge and local and regional ingredients, the use of idle equipment and infrastructures, sharing of knowledge and possibilities for innovation in processes, contractual relations, and products, and as main bottlenecks the lack of support and strategies for distribution of products, to achieve a larger scale of production of these products, fiscal incentives and lower taxation, as criticized by the producers, are the main bottlenecks.
Regarding taxes, Zobaran (2016) argued that the inclusion of Simples Nacional, adopted in October 2016, provided support for microbreweries, but this change did not appear in the producers' arguments. It is worth noting a local movement to encourage crafted beer production, through Law 3053-17, which establishes the Policy to Encourage the Production of Crafted and Drafted Beers in the state of Goiás. This law defines the microbrewery, and the incentives and requirements to achieve benefits such as reducing the rate of 10% for the product in its first and second year of validity, and from the third year this will be set at 17% in the state.
Thus, we can see a dynamic sector with unlimited capacity for innovation with respect to products, with oligopolies and market share with other types, and sizes of production and industries, with constant innovations in products, processes, and management and, with ranges ranging from international to local.

VIII.
CONCLUDING REMARKS The present article was about the consumption of beer as a custom that came from ancient times, which allowed the dissemination of the product in different parts of the globe, made possible the creation of large industries, oligopoly, reached different countries and localities and, at the same time shares the market space with global and local products. The industrial and crafted forms of production have not been annulled, and forms of production have arisen that involved processes of sharing the infrastructures of large companies and crafted producers, as in the case of gypsy breweries, cuckoo or ghosts.
The practices of gypsy breweries, therefore, left Europe and gained the world, and came to materialize in Goiás, Brazil. A country that stands out in the production and consumption of beer.
Among the main positive aspects of the practice of gypsy brewing in Goiás, it was possible to perceive the stimulation of diversified consumption, the possibility of using equipment in a more efficient way, taking advantage of moments of vacancy, sharing knowledge, and stimulating improvement in the quality of production, and, among the main bottlenecks are the distribution structures of production, and, the existing taxes in Brazil.